Although some Nigerians are averse to the strict application of the controversial principles of federal character, they have however ironically accepted them through the back door, that is, through the ingeniousness of Obasanjo regime in his second coming as civilian ruler. President Obasanjo has sought to curtail the dominance of our government and politics by the northern oligarchy. Of course, this is an issue that was overhyped through careful orchestration and relentless media campaign against the much-maligned northern oligarchy. The verbal tirade against the perceived marginalization of the South by the North, or, to put it crudely, Christians by Muslims, could be seen in the current practice that favors the distribution of political offices on the basis of regional contiguities and affiliations, what in public parlance is referred to as geopolitical zoning formula.
In a sense, this amounts to tacit acceptance of the unwritten logic of those same federal character principles, which ideally seek to redress the political marginalization of any given section of our complex polity, diverse people and plural identities, which its opponents did not want to see in the distribution of administrative positions in the structures and institutions of the Nigerian state. In the argument of the opponents of federal character, the distribution of perks and perquisites of office should have been done purely on the basis of what they called merit, something that they thought the so-called advocates of federal character have not been abundantly endowed with. In fact, the vociferous characters opposed to federal character arrangement have also contradicted themselves when they doubled down their loud voices in support of geopolitical zoning of political offices and cabinet positions. What a country!
The intentions of the zoning formula when the idea was first muted was to primarily curtail, as I stated earlier, the excesses of the born-to-rule mentality of some haughty sections of northern establishment, a stupidly naïve mindset that has only succeeded in eroding the sense of self-worth, industry and entrepreneurial spirit of northern Nigerian people in the ensuing geopolitical contestations. Once upon a time, the proud communities that used to be associated with the spirit of self-reliance, which led its first generation leaders to dream ambitious scheme of social transformation, was destroyed due mainly to the incompetence of succeeding generations of military leaders. However, history has recorded how the first generation of post-colonial leaders in northern Nigeria was determined to pursue the path of economic growth through massive investment in education, industrial development and careful planning and prudent management of resources as well. Those were the days when the region was modestly competing with other regions of the country in indices of development.
The oil curse which coincided with the Nigerian civil war and the succession of military regimes of northern Nigerian extraction has created a situation in which the North became afflicted by gnawing state of lethargy, indolence and total collapse of institutions and values. Perhaps, this is due to lack of foresight and the poor quality of leadership at all levels, especially at that crucial moment of our history when the traditional feudal power structures conspired with the enemies of the region to decapitate the emergent modern educated elements that resolved to move the region forward, and to overcome obstacles to social progress and development. In various documented sources, lack of modern development of the North was essentially caused by the residual strata of those moribund and ossified feudal power structures, propped up by British colonial administrators to douse the nationalist fire for genuine self-determination, nay, actual freedom from colonial bondage.
As it turned out, the actual historical events that led to the mayhem of 1966 have categorically illustrated how the military establishment that inherited the mantle of leadership after the civil war initially connived with northern traditional rulers to put an end to Sardauna’s generation of leaders. By any stretch of the imagination, the northern military officers were not an upshot of the first generation of leaders, but scions and appendages of backward feudal institutions and leadership structures that were about to be undone by the new power brokers, those western educated elites in both their conservative and radical guises. The whole point of friction between the emergent and residual power groups in the North was over the need to modernize northern Nigeria. Therefore, in the reckoning of the western educated elite that inherited political power from colonial administrators, the feudal structures in northern Nigeria were the bane of progress and development society in all its ramifications. Indeed, the harvest of the present crop of corrupt, self-serving and incompetent leaders in the North could clearly be traced to the alliance of convenience forged between northern aristocracy and the military to in order to get rid of those new power brokers that were seen as threats to the corporate interests of northern traditional rulers.
Immediately after the Nigerian civil war, successive military rulers of northern extraction did not, in their quest for legitimacy, hesitate to forge their own power alliances as they built patron-client relationships and network with civilian administrators and technocrats, especially those mandarins that were culled from different parts of Nigeria. Some top northern bureaucratic elements were expressly propped up to do the biddings of the military establishment. They were the elements that tirelessly facilitated the military junta in running Nigeria aground without qualms. Even the group known as Kaduna mafia could perhaps be linked to the enduring political romance that started between the military rulers and their civilian peers and clients from Muslim northern Nigeria. Definitely, the military rulers needed those people to make up for their administrative lapses and inexperience. While northern bureaucrats have unanimously decided to uncritically immerse themselves into the military authoritarian rule, their southern counterparts have however remained sceptical of the intentions and undemocratic nuances of the military. Eventually, the resultant fissure was what fueled the unhealthy dichotomy and perennial sectional rivalry between the North and the South in handling issues concerning the collective wellbeing of Nigerians. This form of bifurcation is adversely affecting all attempts at national cohesion and solidarity. Worst of all, it is hampering efforts to come up with some hardheaded choices for our dear country.
This is the context in which I’m looking at the leadership deficits we are currently witnessing under the current democratic dispensation, which started from Olusegun Obasanjo, Umaru Yar’adua, Goodluck Jonathan to Muhammadu Buhari. Looking at the lineup, from Obasanjo down to Buhari, Nigerians have not yet had leaders that understand their problems. Nigerians want a leadership cadre that would take them out of the woods. Indeed, Nigerians want leaders that understand the social crises bedeviling their nation. They want leaders that are willing to minister to their fundamental needs. They also want leaders who are willing to address their existential flight honestly and sincerely. From all indications, this is turning out to be a toll order, particularly looking at the glaring shortcomings of the leadership style of President Muhammadu Buhari, a leader that the dispossessed and downtrodden thought would effectively clean the mess. Nigerians from all parts of the country have invested lots of hope in Buhari only for them to be getting from him what they did not bargain with him. But what are the shortcomings of President Buhari?
I don’t want to revisit that worn out mantra of Buhari’s learning the art of democratic governance on the ropes. The expectation of people for President Buhari to operate like General Buhari of the 1984 fame was completely dashed. But his weaknesses as a civilian President with all the encumbrances, checks and balances of a democratic system are all too glaring. He could not clearly grasp the dynamics of democracy. He could not even rebuild his party, and turn it into an enduring political legacy. Many people think, looking at what happened in the State primaries, APC is likely going to go with the political fortune of the President. So far, he could not mobilize a formidable team of tested and trusted Nigerians that could really tackle the endemic rot in the polity. For most of the time he appears to be helpless or even overwhelmed by the enormous responsibilities of his office. Rather than delivering on the promises he made to the electorate, general living conditions are deteriorating. Difficulties faced by ordinary Nigerians are multiplying. He is also widely seen as the leader who ignores the corruption of his lieutenants as he consistently harps on the corruption of his political opponents.
Now that PDP is resurging with an Atiku Abubakar as its Presidential candidate the permutations would be difficult to predict. We cannot take for granted an Atiku who is well schooled in Nigerian politics. He is not just a former Vice President; he is an astute politician, a political wizard in his own right. From the way the political drama is unfolding, the 2019 match is not going to be a work over for either the APC or its Presidential candidate as the blind supporters of President Muhammadu Buhari are anticipating. They have an Atiku to contend with this time around!
